Freemasonry and Business Networking

During the Victorian Period




This article looks at the role of Freemasonry in socio-economic networking in Cornwall during the late nineteenth century. It demonstrates that, like many other fraternities, it created efficient conduits for the exchange of business information and reinforced a pro-business culture. Particular attention is given to its role in facilitating the migration of Cornish miners and mine managers and in creating structures for national and international information flows. Masonry is shown to have the unusual potential to bridge wide occupational, social and cultural divisions and the sources for further, wider ranging research are indicated.


In a recent article in this journal it was argued that the capital market for the British non-ferrous mining industry was heavily regionally segmented in the mid- to late nineteenth century. That argument was particularly developed in the context of Cornish mining, where it was suggested that local Cornish 'in-adventurers' were able, somehow, to reserve the most productive and profitable workings for themselves, while releasing only the more speculative ventures to 'out adventurers', largely operating through London.[1] Elsewhere attention has been drawn to the failure of London speculators to make profitable investments in the American western mining frontier compared with the great success of Cornish miners in capturing most of the major managerial posts in successful American owned enterprises.[2] Clearly much of this dichotomy of performance can be explained in terms of the relative expertise of the two groups - the practical skills and long experience of the Cornish, relative to the distant, amateur, often over-enthusiastic London investor.[3] Equally, however, reference might be made to the quality of the information available to the two groups and the efficiency of the networks that transmitted it. Thus the Cornish had access to immediate, first hand information that could be verified from several different quarters, while London speculators received only partial, second-hand reports, that had to be taken on dubious trust. Similarly, Cornish networks were tight and efficient, exploiting strong filial, religious and cultural links that extended across the county and to emigrant communities in all of the world's major mining districts. By comparison the City's networks, although themselves multifarious, were looser, based mainly on commonality of economic interest rather than deeper societal connections.[4]


Today, networks are recognised as playing a crucial role in the success of business enterprise and their study has become a central issue in both business history and contemporary business practice.[5] Much of that literature has been referenced in Pearson and Richardson's recent article in this journal.[6] Although these studies have examined wide-ranging networking systems, relatively little visibility has been given to the role of fraternity and benevolent association. Throughout history such associations have been regarded as providing some of the most powerful and influential networking systems.[7] Mainly centred on local or regional structures, they have been shown to be capable of bridging the filial, religious, political and social structures on which other networks were commonly based and to have been highly influential in the promotion of civic engagement and the formation of social capital.[8] They are also likely to have been more influential in promoting efficient networking systems in small local Cornish communities, than among increasingly dispersed and diversified London investors. Certainly fraternal and benevolent organisations of many different varieties made an important contribution to the formation of civil society in other parts of the country during the nineteenth century[9], and they were strong. Gosden has estimated, for example, that as many as one in ten of the county's population may have been involved in such organisations for most of the century, roughly equal to the other industrial counties and considerably higher than the national average.[10] Single organisations, like the Manchester Unity of Oddfellows, counted nearly 4,000 Cornish members in 1894,[11] and the Ancient Order of Foresters had 37 active Courts in the county by around the same date.[12]  However, given the long and continuing history of suspicion of their influential networking activities in all aspects of local social, economic and political affairs, it is the role of the Freemasons that provides the most intriguing prospect for investigation. During the latter half of the nineteenth century, the number of Masons in Cornwall increased steadily to almost 2,000, organised in a series of urban based lodges spread across the county.[13] They had an unparalleled capacity to bridge across communities, both at home and abroad, and no other organisation was so well organised, geographically dispersed, efficiently structured and durable.


Although the role of masonry and other forms of fraternity in economic and social affairs have attracted serious historical attention in the United States,[14] its more secretive reputation in Britain has discouraged serious and sustained historical research.[15] This article will suggest ways in which that gap may be filled. It will investigate the economic and social structure of Freemasonry in the central mining districts of Cornwall, the links between those lodges and others in major mining districts overseas. It will estimate the potential of membership for investment and employment networking and consider the ways in which it may have facilitated the growth of social capital and increased economic efficiency.


Before embarking on this analysis, it is important to draw attention to two important shortcomings of the research programme. Firstly, it considers only the opportunities and potential for networking. No clear and unequivocal evidence of specifically Masonic-based business dealings has emerged from the source material used for this article. Anti-Masonic writings traditionally abound with such anecdotal evidence but even in these it is usually circumstantial rather than unequivocal.[16] Indeed, it is likely that it will never be possible clearly to attribute any particular commercial, social, political or legal arrangement between members, simply and entirely to their fraternal relationship. Such relationships must be seen within the much wider context of overlapping filial, religious and professional networking systems and local socio-cultural relationships. In the Cornish context, being ‘Brother Jack’ was no substitute for being ‘Cousin Jack’ in finding profitable investment and employment opportunities in foreign mining fields, but simply a means of strengthening and widening other networking opportunities.[17] Secondly, the research methodology has been far more revealing of the structure and operation of freemasonry in Cornwall, and among the migratory Cornish population, than it has been of the City and its mining financiers. In that sense it is unbalanced and fails fully to resolve the initial research question. However, the results are hopefully sufficiently interesting and compelling of future research agendas to withstand publication at this stage.


Originating in its modern form in Scotland at the beginning of the eighteenth century, Freemasonry described itself as, 'a system of morality, veiled in allegory and illustrated by symbols'.[18] In more plain language, it made use of the tools and craft skills of the stone mason to act as an allegorical guide for the moral and spiritual improvement of its members.[19] Organisationally it consisted of a series of mainly locally focused 'lodges', warranted by the Grand Lodges of Free and Accepted Masons of England, Scotland and Ireland. Fully initiated Master Masons attended frequent meetings of their own lodge (usually monthly) and had rights to visit and move between any other lodge at home or abroad. Their ritual embraced the egalitarian philosophy of the Enlightenment, they were sworn to strict codes of moral conduct and were under an obligation to help other Masons, where there was no conflict with their own interests. In all aspects, it was highly 'business friendly'. Membership was by invitation, but highly 'permeable', and offered both 'bonding' opportunities with others in the same profession/business/locality, as well as 'bridging' to groups with which they may previously have had little contact.[20] The formalised dining and socialising activities that followed every lodge meeting presented exceptional opportunities for networking between individuals and firms. Members could exchange information, seek credit, arrange capital movements, organise contracts, find employment, exercise influence and ensure benevolent support against the unexpected. Most Masons, like most golfers, insisted that they had entirely different motivations for membership - the performance of ritual, the enjoyment of companionship, the simple excuse for drinking and dining - and they were probably absolutely genuine. But the opportunities for all forms of networking - consciously or unconsciously, within or without the lodge - clearly remained ever present. When individuals did wish to exploit those opportunities - for local, regional, national or even international contact or connection - the institutional framework was readily available.


Notwithstanding the common perception that, as a 'secret society', Freemasonry bequeathed few available records, there is a surprisingly large volume of material to facilitate at least broad investigation of these issues. The main source material for this study has been derived from the archive of the English Grand Lodge, located in Great Queen Street, London. There is no full guide to this archive, the material is stored as it was collected, and access is by arrangement with the librarian, though there are no stated restrictions. Some material has been derived from the Secretaries of extant lodges, as well as privately published lodge histories, and these have been footnoted appropriately. The principal single source has been annual 'Lodge Returns', made by lodge secretaries to Grand Lodge. These returns provide details of the location of the Lodge meeting; the founding members of the lodge; the names, date of initiation/joining, age, occupation and place of residence of new members; and miscellaneous information on migration/emigration, death, expulsion etc. Unfortunately, these data are heavily skewed to those joining the lodge for the first time. There are periodic notices of changes of residence when members move away from the area but not of local movements. Similarly, there are even fewer notices of change of occupation. The material thus provides a snap shot of the structure of the initiates/joining members of the lodge, but not necessarily of the average for the lodge as a whole. However, other qualitative evidence suggests that, apart from the average age of all lodge members, this does not change significantly over time.


There were 30 Masonic lodges operative in Cornwall during the late nineteenth century. A few of them had been warranted in the eighteenth century but most dated from a major expansion of the Order in the mid-century. The concentration of mining mainly in the west of the county means that many of these lodges were at some distance from the mining districts, and random inspection of their membership reveals that they had little connection with mining related activities. They have therefore been excluded from this study. Of those lodges that met closer to the mining areas, six have been chosen for detailed investigation. They are roughly distributed along an east-west line across the central copper and tin mining district, from Truro to Hayle, and they represent both large and small towns, as well as inland and coastal communities.[21] Together, over the period from 1850, or their later foundation, to 1900, they had a total membership of over 2,000. See Table 1.


Table 1

Sample Lodges from the Central Cornish Mining District


Name of the Lodge

No. of Lodge[22]

Place of Meeting

Date Established

Total New Members 1850 - 1900


























Mount Edgcumbe







The age structure of those joining the lodges was relatively young. The minimum age for initiation was 21 but most joined in their late twenties or early thirties. The modal distribution was 27 years and the average nearly 30. This age distribution of new members changed very little over the period, but the average age of lodge members as a whole, particularly in the new foundations, probably increased as few resigned and most remained life-long members.


The occupational structure of all lodges reflected the entire spectrum of economic activity in the immediate locality, from gentlemen and professionals to artisans and labourers, from clergymen to tavern keepers, from industry and commerce to services and transport. They had over 180 different professions and commercial and industrial occupations between them. However, as expected, mining related activities were clearly the leading occupations in all of the sample lodges. A total of 561 initiates and joining members described their occupations as directly mining related - or more than a quarter of the total membership declaring their occupation. Of the next largest occupational groups - including accountants, unspecified 'engineers' and tradesmen, such as blacksmiths, carpenters and builders - many probably also found their principal occupations in mining or mining related activity. Even those not directly related to mining - such as inn and hotel-keepers, merchants, builders, drapers and farmers - undoubtedly derived a large part of their income from providing goods and services to the mining population. The only large group that does not at first appear to be significantly related to mining was that of mariners and maritime related activities, such as shipbuilding, pilots, and harbour-masters. Unsurprisingly, these groups were found in significant numbers only in the two lodges that were located close to the sea. Yet again, however, many may have found their primary occupation in servicing the needs of the mining industry, taking copper ore out and bringing in return cargoes of coal and materials. So too the 44 'gentlemen' Masons probably derived a significant part of their income from mining related investments. While all lodges exhibited a similar broad range of occupations, the balance of occupations varied between them. As already suggested, the principal variation was in the number of mining and maritime related occupations, but several other categories also differed considerably. See Table 2.


Table 2

Distribution of Principal Occupations in the Six Lodges







Mount Edgcumbe


Total Numbers









Mine Agents Captains, & Engineers








Engineers (Unspecified)








Assayers & Chemists








Carpenters & Smiths








Mariners & Maritime
































Drapers & Grocers








Hotel & Innkeepers
































Number of Other Occupations








Numbers in Other Occupations










Using occupation as a means of analysing the social structure of lodge membership produces a similar picture. Occupations have been allocated to social categories similar to those used in the 1991 census, though some adjustments have been made to take account of changes in the social status of some groups during the intervening period.[23] There are often difficulties in interpreting the social status of some job descriptions – for example, was an accountant a professional or a simple book keeper; was a miner a simple labourer, the leader of a partnership of skilled workers, or even an investor/speculator – but standardised working procedures have been adopted. Using these allocations, the results indicate significant differences between lodges, but again all retain an overall wide spread of membership. See Table 3.


Table 3

Social Structure of on the Initiates/Joining

Members of Six Lodges.













































Av.all Lodges








In Fortitude, Mount Edgcumbe and Druids', 'middle class' groups (ie. I and II together) accounted for around two thirds of the membership and in Cornubian they made up well over three-quarters. However, in Boscawen and Tregullow 'working class' Masons (ie III(Manual), III(Non-manual) and IV together) were in a clear majority among new members. These differences in membership profiles clearly reflect the differing character of the communities they represented. Thus the prosperous and economically diversified county town of Truro supported large numbers of accountants, merchants and gentlemen who made up much of the membership of Fortitude lodge, while the relatively small and highly specialised mining community of Chacewater meant that miners and other practical mining men inevitably dominated the membership of Boscawen lodge. The picture thus frequently differs from that often painted by historians. It does not, for example, match with Martin Gorsky's view of Freemasonry being generally based on 'horizontal social ties', or to John Tosh's description of the fraternity as 'socially exclusive' and 'closely associated with status and respectability in the community.'[24] Indeed, it approximates far more closely with the newly emerging picture of Victorian friendly societies, such as the Manchester Unity of Odd Fellows, as widely socially inclusive organisations.[25] It was not an elitist exception to that general movement but very much part of it - one that Michael Savage might describe as 'amenable to elitist involvement.'[26]


In most years during the period, the active membership of these lodges appears to have varied between 30 and 60, though it could rise to over a hundred. Any member attending meetings could expect to have access to trustworthy and helpful 'brothers' with economic and civic interests extending into every corner of the local economy and community. Frequent visiting between lodges and membership of other multi-lodge Masonic organisations, such as Royal Arch Chapters, greatly extended this circle of association across the whole spectrum of activity in central Cornwall. The egalitarian principles of masonry ensured that no major internal barriers developed between members of different social standing, while the secrecy that surrounded lodge proceedings protected the confidentiality of any transactions that might take place. Under such circumstances, it is unsurprising that only 2 journalists were granted membership of the six lodges surveyed here, while at least 20 commercial travellers, usually based outside of Cornwall, became enthusiastic members. Masonry clearly provided unequalled opportunities for networking of every description and while the great majority may never consciously have exploited it for personal gain, they were, no doubt, far more widely and better informed than most non-members.


To assess the particular potential for the local networking of investment information, and the capacity of the local mining interest to sustain a segmented capital market, a broad analysis has been undertaken of the managerial and mine ownership interests of lodge members. This has been done by searching the annual lists of mine owners and managers published in the official Mineral Statistics of the United Kingdom for the names of Masons giving their occupation as mine agent, captain, purser or other manager. This is not a straightforward process however. The metal mining industry was the earliest to develop a complete reliance on specialist employee managers and by the mid-nineteenth century the best of them usually enjoyed careers at a number of different mines and frequently held joint appointments. They also shared very similar surnames. It is, therefore, often very difficult to be certain that identities are not being confused and/or conflated. However, of the 166 Masons making declarations of managerial employment, it is likely that more than 80, drawn from all six lodges, had lifetime careers as managers that embraced more than 260 mines in the county, as well as many elsewhere in England, Wales and overseas. Several members of a mine's management team might be members of the same lodge, one member sometimes succeeded another in management positions at the same mine, and many of the managers also held financial interests in the company for which they worked. The mining company prospectuses published in the weekly Mining Journal, also indicate a wide range of multiple employment and directorships held by lodge members.


The picture derived from the broad analysis of the lodge and ownership and employment returns is reinforced by individual cameos of major Cornish mining figures written during the period. For example, George Henwood, the Mining Journal's Cornish correspondent, described William Pascoe  (born 1821 and initiated into Tregullow Lodge in 1866; joining member of Boscawen Lodge in 1866; founding member of Mount Edgcumbe Lodge in 1875) as the highly successful manager of, and shareholder in, South Frances mine, 'one of the largest and richest in Cornwall', as well as two or three smaller but developing concerns. 'He has been a large speculator... enjoys a wide reputation, and is much employed in giving opinions on the prospects of various mining localities.'[27] Similarly, Symons wrote of William Teague (born 1847 and initiated into Druid's Lodge in 1872) as 'One of the most prominent promoters of mining in Cornwall in recent times....he has exhibited a singular tenacity for mining. He never, I believe, sold a share in any mine with which he is or has been connected, although a few years ago, his interest in Tincroft was worth, in the market, about £100,000. He is a legitimate miner - no dealer. He is the manager and purser of Tincroft, Carnbrea, Wheal Kitty (St. Agnes), Great Work, and West Poldice, in each of which he holds large interests, and he also has interests in Penhale, Blue Hills, etc.'[28] There is little doubt that the Masonic mining interest had unparalleled access to insider knowledge of the profitable potential of all mines, large and small, throughout the county. They were certainly in a prime position to 'filter out' the best future prospects and to seek to retain control of major long-established workings - such as Carn Brea, Tincroft, and Dolcoath - that continued to show future potential. In modern management parlance, 'know-who' was an invaluable mechanism for the transfer of 'know-how' when it came to investment decisions and other business relationships.[29]


Although it might be a compelling conclusion, men did not become Masons simply to improve their business connections. When a society is as secret as Masonry, it is difficult for an outsider to know exactly what is on offer but even the casual observer would be aware that it was a multi-faceted institution. Prospective new members could not apply for membership but needed to wait on invitations from a friend, and placed their faith in the judgement of those friends as to their suitability for membership. Once initiated, masonry came to mean many different things for different members. For some it offered a kind of spiritual sanctuary from the everyday commercial world, almost a route to religious salvation, utilising familiar Old Testament allegories and complex rituals. It may have been that the latter satisfied some unfulfilled need in the lives of people whose regular worship was largely bereft of such activity. Certainly the rituals developed in Freemasonry proved immensely popular and became an inspiration for those adopted by a wide range of other associations, from the Oddfellows to trade unions.[30] Perhaps it was ritual that was the primary attraction for the 24 clergymen of various denominations that joined the six lodges during this period - or perhaps they also saw a networking benefit in 'fishing for souls'. For many others, however, it may have been simply a method of bridging religious, family and social divides and improving the quality of life. In this respect, all forms of organised fraternity in the eighteenth and nineteenth have to be seen in the context of 'tavern society' and the regularisation of drinking activities. Here ritual became the means of formally structuring proceedings, a combination of moral justification and improvement, and perhaps little more than a challenging 'entertainment product.'[31] For abstemious Cornish dissenters, who shunned the alcohol of the festive board, it may have been one of the few outlets to brighten otherwise dull provincial lives. To spiritual reassurance and conviviality might also be added social association and mutual benevolence. Attendance at public parades and 'perambulations' demonstrated an act of fraternal commitment, belonging to the locality, and a display of being part of the local order. When Cornwall's Provincial Grand Lodge held its annual meetings, for example, attending members of the various lodges paraded through the host town under their lodge banners, lead by a military band and watched by thronging crowds.[32] Similarly the laying of the foundation stone of Truro Cathedral in May 1880, one of the greatest public events in Cornwall of the late nineteenth century, was dominated by Masonic ceremony, officiated over by the Prince of Wales, the Grand Master of the Order.[33] By such acts of association, men and their families could prove their status in the community, mark their progress, and, above all, demonstrate their respectability.[34]


Freemasonry was not a benevolent society in the normal sense that members acquired rights to relief in times of adversity. Indeed, there is evidence that many members also joined other organisations, such as the Manchester Unity of Oddfellows and the Ancient Order of Foresters, specifically to insure themselves properly against unemployment, accident or death. However, all masons contributed small sums[35] in addition to their lodge dues, as well as in separate acts of charity, to a national Benevolent Fund. They and/or their families could petition for relief from this Fund in the event of exceptional adversity. Thus widows, left suddenly destitute by the death of their husbands, often petitioned for one off payments to ease their immediate condition, while living members might seek small financial sums help them over short-term difficulties.  In 1895, for example, J.W.Harris, a life-long member of Fortitude lodge, petitioned for relief for himself and his wife until such time as his son, on whom he was otherwise dependent, was able to re-establish his income.[36] In the 1890s, the Fund had an average annual income of around £23,000 and at the end of that decade it serviced 270 aged annuitants at £40 per annum and 248 widows at £30 per annum, as well as many half pensions and other one-off payments to occasional claimants.[37] In addition, there was the Royal Masonic Institute for Girls, established in 1788 and the Royal Masonic Institute for Boys, established 1798, that provided for the clothing and education of the children of indigent Masons.[38] In the 1890s these charities also disposed of considerable sums from an average income of more than £19,000 and £38,000 respectively annually. In addition to these national funds there were also a number of local or regional charities. Thus in the late 1890s, when war in South Africa caused great distress to many migrant Cornish workers and their families, Cornish lodges raised £473-6-0d in a special appeal for the 'Brethren in South Africa.'[39] There is no doubt that for even the currently rich and successful there was considerable reassurance to be derived from having the financial arms/alms of the Brotherhood around them and their families, even if that assurance was not ‘guaranteed’. There was, however, disapproval of those who joined with that prospect as their primary incentive. When the Cornish Provincial Grand Master observed a slight fall off in the number of new initiates in 1900 he concluded, with some satisfaction, that it 'showed that the lodges were beginning to appreciate the fact that Freemasonry should be regarded as a luxury, and not as a benefit society.'[40]


Together, these 'other' aspects of masonry did much to cement its 'business friendly' attributes. Certainly, there were many and various advantages to membership and no one would easily risk exclusion by transgressing the rules of behaviour. A high level of trustworthiness in dealings between members was assured. Of even greater importance, however, were their 'educational' functions. At one level they became cradles of organised activity, showing how otherwise independent, solitary workers and tradesmen might come together, regulate their affairs and assemble their finance in pursuit of an agreed range of purposes. The skills and personal attributes needed to run a harmonious lodge were similar to those required in a successful business enterprise.  More generally, it has been suggested that such associations facilitated the growth of Civil Society in that they, 'fostered social capital by encouraging solidarity between members .... promoted civic engagement .... acted as nurseries of democracy, and .... cultivated an attitude of social welfare founded on independence and self-help.'[41] Less visibly, but with far greater long-term effect, they helped to modernise the ideas and aspirations of businessmen. Through its ritual and other practices, Masonry melded together the practical common sense traditions of an ancient manual craft with the intellectual challenges of the Renaissance. Ordinary men, practitioners of everyday commercial and industrial affairs, in a remote corner of Britain, were introduced, via the rote learning of complex rituals, to the aspirations of Baconian science, with their emphasis on the reciprocal relationship of science and technology in advancing the material well-being of society. New concepts of Latitudinarianism and Newtonian science, with their emphasis on natural laws and the harmony of the universe, were popularised and architecture, exemplifying the coming together of practical and scientific traditions, was enshrined as one of the most suitable areas of study by the cultured and humane gentleman.[42] As Clawson has concluded, 'Freemasonry offered a complex of values and assumptions that can be characterised as those of an emergent bourgeoisie - a detachment from inherited social identities, a belief in social mobility, an acceptance of market relations and property-based authority, and a positive evaluation of science, technology and productive labour.'[43] The latter was particularly important for those engaged in a cutting edge industry such as mining and metallurgy, where the importance of science for further technological progress was becoming increasingly important. It may be no accident that Cornwall remained a technological world leader in these industries while other sectors of the British economy did relatively less well. Without wishing to press the point too far, few other social institutions had the capacity to play a more important role in civilising the practical and vulgarising the scientific for the emergent Victorian middle class.


With all of these advantages to membership it might be assumed that queues of potential initiates formed outside every lodge and that the numbers joining followed a smooth maximum throughout the period. However, this was far from the case. The numbers initiated varied considerably over time, but with all six lodges following a similar pattern. Clearly there are likely to have been common influences at work varying the numbers either applying for membership or the lodge's capacity to absorb them. The latter does not appear to have been important. There were no size constraints imposed on lodges and their active numbers could and did vary from year to year. There is no evidence or either the Provincial Grand Lodge or individual lodges co-ordinating recruitment drives. In general, recruitment was entirely a matter for individual lodge members, and depended on their desire to invite friends, colleagues and family members to join and the predisposition of those approached to accept the invitation. The principle causes of changes in the numbers joining are, therefore, likely to be found in changing levels of confidence and demand for membership. Here the main constraint may have been its relatively high costs - not just lodge fees, but other expenditures on socialising and charity. If that were to be the case, it might be expected that during prosperous times membership would increase, while in depression the number of applicants would decline. However, a comparison of changes in the numbers of initiations over the period as a whole with fluctuations in the price of tin - used as a proxy for the prosperity of the mining economy of central Cornwall - reveals no such clear relationship. There were some sub-periods, such as the 1870s and the mid-1880s to the mid-90s when the two indices appear to have moved together, but during other periods the relationship appears to have broken down and even to have been reversed. The causes of the changes in the numbers becoming Masons therefore appear to be complex, possibly variable, and likely to be found as much in the changing social and cultural attitudes as in direct economic issues. These are not crucial to this analysis of the business networking potential of Freemasonry among the mining community and have not been fully investigated. However, one potentially highly significant development does emerge, namely the potential advantages for emigration bestowed by Masonic membership.


After years of peak production and prosperity around the mid-nineteenth century, Cornish mining went into sharp and sustained decline from the 1860s. In just over 35 years, between the early 1860s and the late 1890s, Cornwall's world copper, lead, silver and manganese output collapsed and only tin and arsenic survived, much reduced from their mid-century levels.[44] The number of mines that needed agents, managers and engineers was reduced from around a thousand to less than a hundred and mining employment fell from over 30,000 in 1851 to less than 10,000 in 1891. The long established pattern of economic migration from Cornwall was stepped up, with more than a quarter of a million people going abroad 1840 - 1890, and it saw the largest outflow of population of any county in England and Wales.[45]


The membership of the six lodges sampled here clearly reflected this pattern of movement, with a large and rising number of members moving abroad during the period. Experience was not uniform however. Some lodges had higher levels of migration than others. As might be expected, the least migratory lodges were those with the highest percentage of relatively well off social groups I and II in their membership. The assets and skills of these groups were also often difficult to re-deploy in other areas. The most migratory lodges were those with the highest percentage of economically exposed social groups III and IV - viz. Boscawen, Druids, and Tregullow lodges. Between 1860 and 1899, 27% of all new recruits to these three lodges found work overseas with the share rising to over 40% during the 1880s. However migration was not entirely restricted to the poorer contingent of lodge members. All groups took part to one degree or another, with the highest mobility among those directly linked to the declining mining sector. Thus 23% of the mine agents and 39% of mining engineers followed the 48% of miners in finding work abroad. Under recording, resulting from short absence and/or a continuation of the paying of lodge fees while away, would suggest that these figures might be even higher. Although emigration was high, however, movement within the UK appears to have been remarkably low. Only 32 members of all six lodges were ever listed as resident elsewhere in the United Kingdom, compared with more than 380 returned as going and/or living abroad. By comparison with the probable average level of geographical mobility for their host communities - estimated as being roughly equal for domestic and overseas movement, and accounting together for about 25% of the population of mining communities,[46] Masonic migration thus appears high and heavily skewed towards emigration.


The possibility that applications for Masonic membership may have become influenced by a desire of individuals to exploit its international networking links is strengthened by two other pieces of evidence. Firstly, there were a large number of 'gold miners' seeking membership. Over 100 of the 266 miners initiated into the six lodges gave this as their occupation and nearly all were in their early 20s. Gold was not mined in Cornwall during the period and it must be assumed that these were young men returning from foreign gold fields. Their motivation for joining may have been enjoyment of the fraternal support, elevated status, social conviviality or any of the other advantages to membership while at home. However, it is equally likely that they had seen how Masonic membership had facilitated successful economic and social integration in frontier mining districts and sought to achieve that membership, using home town connections, before undertaking further journeys. Visiting rights to other lodges were available to all Master Masons, either at home or abroad, and presentation of their 'lodge certificates', a kind of Masonic passport, ensured access where full lodge membership was jealously guarded by established local interests.


Further corroboration for the view that Masonic membership was seen as a major emigration asset is found in the correspondence between the Cornish lodges and Grand Lodge in London. Time and again, lodge secretaries wrote to Grand Lodge requesting the swift receipt of initiates' lodge certificates because they were 'about to leave the country' or are 'leaving for .... at the end of the week', etc. Many had needed extraordinary or emergency meetings of the lodge to complete their initiation on time.[47] Irregular multiple ceremonies were conducted, and some sought dispensation to complete their initiation when they arrived at their final destination. When their certificates did not arrive on time, some sent a forwarding address at the port of embarkation and some even delayed or cancelled their sailing. It was not only new members that found their Masonic 'passport' so essential. Old members, whose certificates had been lost or destroyed - 'eaten by ants', 'eaten by a mouse' and 'washed away in a flood' as some emigrants pleaded[48] - were also desperate for replacements. Of course it has to be asked why the lodges went to such trouble for people who, initially, were non-members. The correspondence unfortunately provides few clues. It could be that members were pleased to accommodate the aspirations of fellow locals, who were sometimes family members, but equally they may have been motivated by financial consideration. With the local adult male population dwindling, it was a useful method for lodges to claim initiation fees, and perhaps continuing membership, from those who later intended to return home. However, this behaviour by some lodges caused serious concern among the Cornish Masonic establishment. In September 1899 the Provincial Grand Master expressed concern that these lodges, 'were laying the foundations of a great deal of misery and sorrow by introducing unsuitable candidates' and three months later the Freemasons' Chronicle called for 'quality not quantity' in the numbers being brought into masonry. Whatever the rights and wrongs of the expansionist strategy, Grand Lodge continued to keep meticulous records of membership for the issue of lodge certificates and ensured the smooth and proper functioning of a rapidly expanding international Masonic order.[49]


The advantages and attractions of Masonic membership in overseas mining districts can be illustrated by reference to three different mining districts: the Keweenaw copper country of Upper Michigan in the U.S.; the Rand gold fields of South Africa; and the Ballarat/Bendigo gold field of Victoria, Australia. These were all districts to which the Cornish migrated in large numbers and where they made up an important part of the local population.[50]


Freemasonry had been firmly established in North America during the colonial period and its members and philosophy had played a leading role in the shaping of the Revolution and the ensuing Constitutional settlement.[51] By 1880 there were 9,000 lodges in the United States[52] and they were founded in even the most remote mining camps within one or two years of their discovery.[53] The Keweenaw Peninsula mining district was developed from the 1840s and became one of the world's leading copper producers during the second half of the century. It was a favourite destination for the Cornish from the outset and they were the dominant immigrant community for several decades.[54] It was, however, a remote wilderness, well away from developing east-west lines of communication, and suffered from long and horrendous winters when it was frequently entirely cut off from the outside world.[55]  In that harsh world fraternal societies provided the staples for economic and spiritual survival - and they proliferated. During its most productive period, at least 21 operated in the district. Anyone of substance - mostly men, but also many women - became a member of at least two or three different associations.[56] The Masons appear to have enjoyed a particularly close association with the Forester and the Oddfellows - organisations which offered better and more secure benevolent assurance than Masonry itself. In 1889, for example, Calumet Masonic lodge jointly celebrated its anniversary with Hecla Oddfellows lodge, the members joining a combined parade and attending a grand concert and ball in the evening.[57] Americans and new arrivals alike, now distant from family, friends and a familiar hometown, submerged in an increasingly ethnically mixed community, clung together for essential job and investment networking, financial insurance against illness and injury, cultural bonding, camaraderie, entertainment and relaxation.[58] It could also provide invaluable defence in an often hard and hostile world. Samuel Gompers, the leader of the American Federation of Labor, recalled an event in his early career when he had been tipped off, by a fellow mason in the employ of a mining company, that he was under surveillance. He wrote, ‘I have frequently found that my affiliation to the Masonic Order has been a protection to me.’[59] For the Cornish migrant, all of the things that were attractive about fraternal and benevolent association at home were writ much larger on the frontier. In a strongly patriarchal society they were not just advantageous for single men but essential for accompanying family members, providing them with some level of security and wide ranging support mechanisms.[60] Together with other social and economic linkages, they became a powerful influence for 'chain migration'[61] and, more than most other facilitators, assisted the process of assimilation.[62] Of course, the networking potential of the lodges was not simply confined to outsiders and new arrivals. It also presented considerable opportunities for ‘locals’ and those that controlled the industry. Thus the ability of 'Boston dollars' to shut out 'London pounds' from successful investment in the Keweenaw,[63] may well have been facilitated by lodge and inter-lodge relationships which facilitated critical information flows between the mine managers on the Peninsula and east coast investors – an issue which would repay future research.


Within the overall context of fraternity, the Freemasons appear to have held a dominant position. Of the 240 entries in a biographical record of the district's leading notables, compiled at the end of the century, over a quarter were said to have been Masons and they included leading figures from all parts of the local economy. Of these Masons, 11 were the owners/managers of large mining operations, and five of them were from Cornwall.[64] The career of one of them illustrates the wide international networking opportunities that might have been enjoyed through long Masonic membership, as well as the advantages that making his acquaintance may have had for newly arrived migrants in the districts. Captain Thomas Wills was born in Cornwall and spent his early working life there as a copper and tin miner. He emigrated to the Peninsula in 1851, shortly after knowledge of its great potential became known in Cornwall, and rapidly gained managerial status, firstly as a foreman and then as a mine manager/captain. Once on the move and eager to find other opportunities, he left the district for a year to try his luck in the Californian gold fields. Probably not too successful, he returned to the Keweenaw shortly after, to again work at various mines in different capacities. Gradually accumulating some resources, he returned to Cornwall for a visit in the mid-1850s and then went on to Australia. Again he had a go at gold mining, and clearly met with some success, but six years later he went back to the Keweenaw, via England. For a third time he re-established himself in managerial positions at a series of mines, before finally taking over the great Calumet and Hecla operation, one of the largest in the district, and the world, at that time. He was no doubt a better manager than speculator, but he was certainly a heavily committed Mason. During his time on the Keweenaw he was actively involved in many different lodges and aspects of the fraternity, while also being a 30-year member of the Foresters.[65] He knew everyone in the district, the prospects of every mine and had the capacity to dispense jobs, supply contracts and a host of other business opportunities.


Although the records of various Keweenaw lodges are almost complete, they contain no details of the ethnicity or occupations of members, so it is not possible to be sure of the exact level of mining and/or Cornish involvement. However, an inspection of names suggests that it was probably high. Certainly some tried to join and were rejected.[66] However, as has been suggested, full membership of local lodges was not necessary just to access the networking system. Presentation of their mother lodge certificates bestowed visiting privileges, and the Visitors Books of Keweenaw lodges record the coming and going of a large number of Masons from all over the world, many of them from Cornwall. See Appendix 1. With Cornish mine captains dominating the local mining industry until the end of the century, new arrivals seeking work would find great advantage in networking systems that would introduce facilitate the necessary introductions to them.[67] Clearly, such arrangements also had advantages for the established lodge members and the lodge itself. They provided a ready supply of new labour that had some 'guarantee' of quality and reliability, and a queue of potential new joining members. They could, however, also create serious problems for lodges when the cost of providing transit relief for 'tramping' Masons bit into lodge funds. In 1881, for example, the secretary of Saint John Lodge No.18, Nevada, wrote to the secretary of Druids lodge, telling him that one of their members, Matthew Rogers, had died penniless in the mining town of Pioche. Their Pioche lodge had buried him, at a cost of $135, and they now requested to be reimbursed - “as owing to other matters of the same sort we are in financial straights.” Similarly in 1887 another American lodge wrote to the secretary of Cornubian Lodge to request a £5 contribution to the cost of relieving one of their members. The problems of mining districts paled into insignificance, however, when compared with those confronted by lodges in large human ‘entrepots’ such as San Francisco. In 1890, boards of relief of several lodges in that city distributed over $10,400 helping 157 travelling masons, many of them probably miners commuting between mining districts in the west and other parts of the world. Like the Oddfellows, who encountered similar problems with itinerant members, the Masonic Grand Lodges of many states were obliged to restrict relief by tightening the conditions under which it was granted.[68]


The key role of Freemasonry on the Keweenaw was closely paralleled on the Rand. South Africa had long been a major centre of activity for the English Grand Lodge with around one fifth of all its 500 colonial lodges being located there by the late 1890s. With an estimated average of 50 members per lodge this would suggest a total membership more than twice that in Cornwall at this time. And they were not alone. There were almost 30 additional lodges formed under the Scottish Grand Lodge, mainly in Natal and Transvaal, a few under the Irish constitution, in Johannesburg, and over 20 under the Dutch constitution.[69] They were not nationally exclusive, with members of all nationalities joining and visiting each other's lodges, so creating the widest possible bridging networks. However, certain constitutional differences showed through. As The Freemason commented, 'The English are the most numerous, the Scotch the most lenient as to qualifications of the candidates, and the Dutch the most regular in attendance.'[70] Masonry, in one form or another, embraced every strata of local white society, from the ordinary to the most influential.[71]


Several lodges were established near to the gold fields under the English Grand Lodge. Among the largest and most successful were Johannesburg Lodge No. 2313 and Gold Fields Lodge No.2478. When Gold Fields was consecrated, in October 1893, the ceremony took place in the presence of 350 masons, including 49 Past Masters of other lodges, and was 'generally acknowledged to have been the most successful Masonic function that has ever been held in South Africa.'[72]  Both lodges initially met in the Johannesburg Stock Exchange Hall, while their own Temple was being built, and they soon received a number of joining Masons from Cornish lodges as well as many others from elsewhere in South Africa and abroad. See Appendix 2. Although generally more 'elitist' than most Cornish lodges, new members were able to establishing bridging networks to representatives of every part of the local economy, as well as the miscellaneous national and ethnic groups that flooded into the field, including men of Dutch, German, Italian, Australian and Jewish extraction. There were numerous representatives of social groups III and IV that might have helped travelling Cornish miners feel at home, but they also no doubt would have enjoyed the opportunity to acquaint themselves with fellow members such as George Richards, the Managing Director of Consolidated Gold Fields and John Hays Hammond, the eminent American mining speculator.[73] So great were the attractions of membership that the numbers seeking initiation often could not be accommodated by the normal working of the lodges. Thus shortly after its foundation, Edward Letchworth, the Master of Gold Fields, wrote to London asking leave to 'ease' its working. As he explained, 'In a floating population like this, circumstances are continually arising which would cause me as Master of the Lodge to be beset with demands for degrees to be given within the prohibited dates, and unless I have dispensation from the Worshipful Grand Master, I should be unable to comply with the most urgent demands.'[74]As has been seen, similar problems were occasionally encountered in Cornwall around that time but none of their lodges ever approached the nearly 300 members that Gold Fields lodge had in 1897.


For those that tired of the challenges of bridging to other diversified occupational and ethnic groups, the Cornish also established their own narrowly defined bonding lodge, the Lodge of Cornwall. Very largely comprised of working miners, tradesmen and mine managers, this was probably more concerned with socialising and cultural reinforcement than with serious economic networking. However, it also provided a useful 'entry-level' lodge for new arrivals to the mining field. By 1910, when it was consecrated, the established Johannesburg lodges had passed firmly into the hands of senior local figures and immigrants would have found entry to regular membership difficult. The Lodge of Cornwall could receive incoming Masons, initiate non-mason new arrivals, and, through the visitor system, prepare them for further integration into the colony's wider Masonic system. Complementary facilities were provided by the South African Cornish Association, which had its own labour bureau to find newcomers jobs, and furnished rooms for their initial accommodation. Links between the two organisations were extremely close. Henry Young, originally from St. Ives, and a later President of the Association, was the first Master of the Lodge, G.L. Vincent, the Association's Treasurer, a founder of the Lodge, and S.U. Pearce and M.A. Rodda, both Association branch chairman, were also Lodge members.[75] It is notable that several of the joining members of the Lodge of Cornwall had been made Masons in other overseas lodges, some under the Scottish and Dutch constitutions. While relationships between lodges formed under different Grand Lodges often became very strained in South Africa, here at least some common ground could be found.


In the Ballarat/Bendigo gold field of Victoria, Australia the socio-occupational structure of Zenith Lodge No.1133 was a near mirror image of those of small mining towns in Cornwall. Surprisingly, no established Cornish Masons were recorded as joining members of the lodge but a significant number of initiates probably had Cornish origins, such as mine managers William Curnow and Francis Trounson, the mining speculator James Trevarrow, as well as the miners James Nancarrow, Joseph Paull, John Oates and Thomas Williams. Mining related occupations predominated throughout, supported by a wide range of other professional, commercial and artisanal groups. Out of a total membership of 471 joining Masons and initiates 1866-1889, over one third derived their income directly from mining and most of the others from supporting the activities of the mining community. The socio-occupational structure of the lodge was thus very similar to some of those in Cornwall. See, for comparison, Tables 4 and 2. Also, as in Cornwall, Clergymen and Commercial Travellers figured significantly. There was, however, one very important difference. Zenith lodge included a large number of share brokers and mine speculators. These groups were also commonly encountered in the mining lodges of South Africa but they were uncommon in Cornwall, notwithstanding its own active share market. Whatever the causes of this, it is clear that the Cornish migrant community had exceptional access to local capital and labour market information in distant mining fields - and, vice versa, that local capital could acquire exceptional skills and informed first hand mining intelligence. There is little evidence that London mining investors and promoters ever had similar access, and to the extent that they did, it was largely provided through the 'filter' of their Cornish employees..


Table 4


Mining Related Employment in Zenith Lodge,

Victoria, Australia 1866 - 1889








Drapers & Grocers


Mine Managers & Engineers


Hotel Keepers & Publicans, Brewers


Carpenters & Smiths


Farmers & Gentlemen


Brokers & Speculators


Butchers &









No. of Other Occupations




 Numbers in Other Occupations




Whatever the advantages of Masonic membership for migrants and their families, they may have remained hidden from lodge members at home had it not been for the frequent comings and goings within the Cornish lodges themselves. Like their foreign counterparts, they received a constant stream of foreign visitors, returning joining members who had been made Masons in foreign lodges, and their own 'commuting' members, such as the 'gold miners'[76], who shuttled backwards and forwards between foreign mining districts. There can have been few social venues, even in London, where members would have been so exposed to up-to-date foreign intelligence on wide ranging socio-economic issues in mining districts across the globe.[77] Appendix 3, for example, shows the number and origin of members of overseas lodges that visited Tregullow lodge between 1864 and 1901, while Appendix 4 provides details of some overseas joining members of the six sample lodges. In both cases they map the changing geography of the world's mining districts, with the focus of emigration and sources of visitors and returnees moving slowly from the Americas during the third quarter of the century to Australia, Asia and particularly Southern Africa by the 1890s. Awareness of the opportunities overseas, the rise and decline of different mining fields, and the means of travel to them, would also have been propagated among the membership by the various shipping and emigration agents, several of whom who were themselves Masons.[78] Note should also be taken of the 'social remittances' that return migrants brought with them[79], and the impact that they had on local Cornish society. Thus the successful migratory experience of the few modified the attitudes to emigration and international travel of the many. Experience of free and easy frontier mining camps made migrants more independent, less respectful of authority, more democratic, more flexible in spotting and responding to economic opportunity. In short, Cornwall became the most 'American' of British counties.


Masonic connections at home and abroad clearly worked to the considerable professional benefit of the Cornish mining interest. So could they have provided equally effective networks for London based mining promoters and investors? The first problem is to identify possible centres, or focal points, for the ‘mining interest’ that could have supported ‘mining lodges’. An examination of company reports and prospectuses, giving office addresses, suggests that there were such clusters, representing both home and overseas ventures.[80] One such was in the Broad Street area. Grand Lodge records provide details of three lodges that met in the area.[81] They would provide only a small, and possibly not a very good sample, of the City as a whole, but they should suggest some useful indicators and general problems. Examination of their membership records, using the same methodology as that employed for Cornwall, reveals some broad characteristics and trends of development.


Around the mid-century, the size and general occupational/social structure of the London lodges was similar to their Cornish counterparts. There were no miner/management groups, but they were dominated by local men with practical interests across the range of the local economy - viz. tradesmen, inn keepers, victualers, coal and wine merchants, together with a sprinkling of professionals, such as barristers, solicitors, and physicians. By the 1870s, however, the picture had changed considerably. The lodges had shared in the general mid-century expansion of Freemasonry but had changed very considerably in their social structure. They were now dominated by 'gentlemen' and 'merchants' drawn from a wide geographical area, reflecting not only the new residential patterns to the west of the City, to which the meeting places of the lodges had now drifted, but transportation facilities that enabled them to assemble from comparatively far flung suburbs. Thus while they still counted a few members resident in the City, they now drew in far more from south of the river (Borough, Southwark, Clapham, Peckham, Kennington, Brixton, Lewisham and Penge), the east (Mile End, Leyton, Walworth) and the north (Tottenham, Pentonville). It was no longer a common local interest that brought them together but some wider, as yet unknown, 'special interest'. It may well have been mining, but with the bland occupational description of 'Gentleman' and 'Merchant' it cannot easily be identified. Nevertheless, random evidence suggests that further investigation might be productive. In 1854, for example, Thomas Wheatley, the Secretary of one of the lodges,[82] wrote to Grand Lodge notifying them of a change in their place of meeting. He did so on his company's headed note-paper - The Gallt-y-Maen Silver Lead Mining Company of Merionethshire. Similarly, in late 1878, another lodge welcomed Thomas Duff as a joining member from Golden Lodge, Bendigo[83] - one of the principal Australian mining boom towns of the day. Nevertheless, even if their story was multiplied many times, and there was a mining focus to the lodge membership, it is unlikely to have had either the scope or information networking potential of their Cornish counterparts.   


The main strengths of Cornish Masonry lay in the numbers involved, their narrow local focus, their strong loyalties, the very high level of their mobility, and above all their ability to work in combination with other local networks. Even with significant ‘clustering’, the metropolitan mining community would have found it difficult to match any of these. Clearly their members were far less numerous, less geographically mobile, not directly involved in the day-to-day business of the mining districts, and devoid of any strong group loyalties. Whereas the other networking systems of the Cornish - filial, religious, benevolent etc - drew them even closer together, those of the metropolitan community tended to pull them further apart. Those that met in the transit house that was the City of London generally came from many different areas and backgrounds with connections that exerted centrifugal rather than centripetal force. More particularly, there were also fundamental structural problems with London Masonry that was likely to undermine its role in producing a focused network. While the City may have seen the emergence of lodges with a strong 'mining interest', they were probably few in number, had relatively little contact with others with similar interests, and would have found it difficult to sustain their focus. They are certainly difficult to find. Finally, it might be noticed that the same transport and communications developments that tended to pull apart London Masonry actually worked to strengthen Cornish links. Within the county they facilitated the movement of visitors between lodges and by facilitating travel to and within London itself, raised the profile of the county there and created the opportunity to assemble 'special interest' groups. Thus the Cornish Lodge No. 2369 was consecrated in 1890, and met regularly thereafter in Mark Masons' Hall and later Freemasons Hall, at the very centre of the Masonic establishment. The lodge acted as a focal point for Cornish brethren in London, and many members of lodges in Cornwall became joining members. See Appendix 5. There they could not only renew and sustain their regional identity but also access the City's other networking systems, consolidating a two-way flow of information.


To conclude. The records of Masonic Lodges suggest that Freemasonry, and possibly other fraternal organisations, had the capacity to create strong networking systems within small coherent communities and to extend those networks across great distances nationally and internationally. In that role they did not simply sit alongside other filial, religious, business, and cultural networks but, through regular socialising and informal contacts between individuals, had the capacity to fuse those other systems together. Chains of localised 'exchanges', formed by regular visiting, communication and movement between lodges, created conduits for information flows that transcended regional and national boundaries and had a global reach. By the middle of the nineteenth century they had established the institutional foundations for the emergence of fully trans-regional and trans-national communities, binding together men from every possible occupational background.[84] Overall, the smaller coherent Cornish communities, holding tightly together both at home and abroad, were probably better able to exploit these relationships effectively than the looser groupings of the City. But Masonic lodges were more than simple information exchanges. They also provided an underpinning of exceptional trust relationships, which were particularly important in a high risk industry like mining. Masons were sworn by the most fearsome of oaths to complete honesty and integrity in their conduct, and took part in regular pro-capitalist rituals. For them, trust was a matter of identity[85] and they could have greater confidence in their dealings with each other than with members of their own families, the people that they prayed with, their political allies and even their business partners. As has been suggested elsewhere, such 'webs of affiliation' and 'localised mutuality' can produce important external economies for economic activity[86]. Certainly Toms has shown in his study of Lancashire textile entrepreneurs, how efficient information flows and sound trust relationships can reduce uncertainty, limit transaction costs, and facilitate the efficient allocation of resources.[87] It is important, however, to register a note of caution. Tight cliques and exclusive networks can also support unwarranted preference and breed rent-seeking behaviour[88]. Popular concerns about Masonic corruption[89] may have been overplayed but are probably not without foundation. With that scepticism in mind, the benefits often accorded to networking systems by the new institutional economics might be subjected to more critical review.[90]


Perhaps the most fitting conclusion to this study, however, is not what it has achieved but what might be revealed by further use of the large, but oddly under exploited, archive on which it has been based. Many threads of future research have been started but not followed in the available space. There has been no opportunity here, for example, to explore the role of Freemasonry in providing a cradle for democracy, in fostering civic engagement and promoting the formation of social capital.[91] Nothing has been said of its role in local government, the judiciary and other wide ranging sectors of the economy beyond mining. Much might be made of the intellectual impact of Masonic philosophy in shaping more positive attitudes towards business, science and technology, as well as Hyam's hint that it became an integral 'link of Empire, replicating domestic cultural forms and values and integrating people into wider societies across the globe.[92] Finally, the evidence of these six lodges, atypical as it might be, lends support for the reassessment of Victorian urban society, not as one riven by deep social divides, but rather comprised of much smaller and closely inter-connected 'gradients of power'.[93]






Appendix 1

Some Cornish Visitors to Lodges

on the Keweenaw Peninsula

(from Lodge Visitors Registers, Houghton, Michigan)


Quincy Lodge, No. 135. Formed 1862


11th July 1865              W.J. Babcock                          Mount Olive, No.52

21st March 1876          J. Vissick                                  Fortitude Lodge, No.131

25th June 1877             D. Bailey                                  Cornubian Lodge, No.450

20th March 1888          P.J. Pearce                               Friendship Lodge, No.38

1900                            G. Roberts                               Boscawen Lodge, No.699

1902                            E. Williams                               Gold Fields Lodge, No. 2478


????                             William Trevethan                     Southern Cross Lodge, No.568

                                                                                    South India

Keweenaw Lodge, No.242, Formed


August 1910                 William Tonkin             True and Faithfull Lodge, No.318

18th April 1912 Thomas and Arthur Cox           Boscawen Lodge, No. 699

23rd April 1914 Richard Leddra                        Tregenna Lodge, No.1276

4th June 1914                           "                                               "           "


Houghton Lodge, No.218, Formed 1882


8th June 1908               William Trevethen                     Southern Cross Lodge, No.568,

South India

16th October 1908                   "                                               "           "



NB. Some of the visitors, such as William Trevethen, were probably Cornish in origin but became Masons outside of Cornwall. They then could use their membership to move between lodges in other mining districts and even back to visit in England.                                  


Appendix 2


Some Cornish Masons Joining Johannesburg

and Gold Fields Lodges, South Africa, 1890 - 1898


Johannesburg Lodge, 2313.


            Robert Edward Hall                  founder Mt.Edgcumbe               1890

            Robert Harmsworth Heath        musician           Druids                          1896


Goldfields Lodge, 2478


            Samuel Arthur Dotson  miner                Love & Honour            1894

            John Laity                                 miner                Druids                          1894

            Joseph Jeffry                            miner                Loyal Victoria               1894

            John Pope                                mine manager   Cornubian                    1894

            William Henry Laity                  miner                Druids                          1894

            James Polmear             engineer            Mt. Edgcumbe              1894

            John Blewett                             carpenter          Mt. Sinai                      1894

            William Bennetts                       miner                Tregullow                     1896

            Henry Leigh                              speculator         Love & Honour            1896

            Charles Hosking                       miner                Mt.Sinai                       1896

            Ernest Grose                            contractor         Boscawen                    1898



Appendix 3


Members of Foreign Lodges Who Visited Tregullow Lodge

 St. Day 1864 -1901



Name                           Date Visited                            Parent Lodge


Joseph Jewell               16th Aug. 1864             Owen Lodge No.108 California, USA

William Clift                  15th Sept. 1868            Maddison Lodge No.23, Grass Valley,

                                                                        California, USA

Joseph Michell  17th Nov. 1868                        No.133 California, USA

Jonathan Bawden         16th July  1872             Charity Lodge, No.69, Real del Monte,


Charles Clift                 19th Nov. 1872                        Maddison Lodge No.23, Grass Valley,

                                                                        California, USA

Charles Barnett 17th Nov. 1874                        No.28 Colombia

Thomas Cook              17th Nov. 1874                        No.5 British Columbia, Canada

J.H.Hodge                    16th July  1878             Silver Star No.5, Nevada, USA

George Vincent            20th Jan.  1880             Maddison Lodge No.23, Grass Valley,

                                                                        California, USA.

Thomas Curnow           16th Sept. 1884            Bodie Lodge, No.252, California, USA

James I. Dunstan          19th Sept. 1887            St.John's Devonport No.655, Australia

S. Trebilcock                17th April 1888 Morning Star No.5, Montana, USA

E.Nicholls                     17th April 1888 Lander No.8, Nevada, USA

Richard Davey  16th July  1889             Butte No.20, Montana, USA

W.H.Perry                   20th Aug. 1889             Butte No.22, Montana, USA

S. Jeffery                      15th April 1890 Golden Star, USA (?)

John Wellington            17th Feb.  1891            Butte No.22, Montana, USA

Joseph Millett               21st July  1891              Philipstown No.236

Thomas Spargo            21st July  1891              St.John la Coquimbo No.616, Chile

Zacharias Uren 17th May 1892             Athole Lodge No.591, Kimberley, South


J.Chapple                                                         Casilia Lodge, Valparaiso, Chile

Alfred Martin                21st June 1892              Crockett Lodge No.139, USA

William Hodge  21stJune 1892              King Solomon Lodge No.9, Helena,

                                                                        Montana, USA

J.A.Richards                 16th Aug. 1892             Penrhyn No.258, California, USA

Peter Oppy                              c. 1890                        Silver Bow, Montana, USA

R.Angove                     8th Dec.   1892             Cosmoss No.428, Shanghai, China

Thomas Bawden           20th June 1893             Cariboo Lodge No.4, British Columbia,


John H. Pengelly           20th June 1893             Eagle Pass No.626, Texas, USA

James H.Peters 16th Jan.  1894             Central City No.22, South Dakota,


Frederick Brenton        17th July  1894             Hiram No.1, Connecticut, USA

J.H.Combellack            21stAug.  1894             Monitor No.3, Montana, USA

W.G.Jeffrey                  18thSept  1894            Butte No.22, Montana, USA

Edwin Phillips               21st May  1895            Escurial No.7, Virginia City, Nevada


Richard Opie                16th  July 1895             Monitor No.35, Walkerville, Montana                                                              USA

H.Bennett                     14th Jan.  1896             Butte No.22, Montana, USA

R.H.Bartle                    15th Sept.1896             Germiston No.2498, South Africa

E.W.Bartle                   15th Sept.1896             Germiston No.2498, South Africa

James Gray                  17th Nov.1896             Southern Cross No.528, India

R.W.T.Patterson          19th Oct. 1897             Union of Malta No.407, Malta

A.Gregory                    19thJuly 1898               Royal George No.244, Krugersdorp,

                                                                        South Africa

Andrew E.Hand           21st Feb. 1899             Mount Moriah No.24, Montana, USA

Frederick J.Scoble       16th Aug.1899              Roodepoort No.2539, Transvaal,

                                                                        South Africa

J.H.W.Paull                  17th Oct. 1899             Germiston No.2498, South Africa

G.Argall                       21st Nov.1899              Roodepoort No.2439, Transvaal,

                                                                        South Africa

W.J.J.Morcom             21st Nov.1899              Royal George No.2643, South Africa

J.J.Trewern                  21stNov.1899              Gordon No.804, South Africa

Alfred Teague               21stNov.1899              King Solomon No.887, South Africa

C.E.Gregor                  21stNov.1899              Germiston No.2498, South Africa

Simon Kinsman            20thFeb. 1900             Royal George No.2643, South Africa

James Cocking 15thMay 1900             Jackson No.60, USA

Henry Jewell                 21st Aug.1900              Golden Thistle No.744, Johannesburg,

                                                                        South Africa

Charles R.Williams       15th Jan. 1901              Toltec No.214, Mexico


Source: Tregullow Lodge Minute Books, abstracted by Joseph Mills, Secretary.



Appendix 4


Members of Overseas lodges Joining Six Sample Lodges

1852 - 1901

(Variable available data)




1865    from    'an American lodge'

1872                'America'

1872                No.16, Mexico

1872                Nevada, U.S.A.

1874                No.128, Michigan, U.S.A. (2 members)

1874                No.13, Nevada, U.S.A.

1875                No.16, U.S.A.

1890                Venezuela

1892                Montana, U.S.A.

1898                                No.22, Montana, U.S.A.




1852    from    Sussex No.447, Kingston, Jamaica

1854                                Quebec, Canada

1865                                Union of Malta No.407, Valetta, Malta

1868                                Royal Sussex No.479, Halifax, Nova Scotia

1874                War Eagle No.6, Silver City, Idaho, U.S.A.

1875                                San Andres, Santiago, Cuba

1875                                Wetbuck No.480, U.S.A.

1889                                Grand Lodge of Hungary

1895                                Rio Tinto, Spain (Past Master)

1900                Golden Thistle No.840, Coolgardie, Australia




1866    from    Sardinia

1866                                California, U.S.A.

1871                                New Zealand

1874                                No.14, Nevada, U.S.A.

1875                                No.23, California, U.S.A.

1876                                Brazil

1883                                Cosmopolitan No.1409, Kimberley, South Africa

1890                                California, U.S.A.

1892                Burma

1893                Northern Star No.1463, Ferazapore, Punjab, India

1896                No.55, Victoria, Australia

1899                                Charles Warren No.1832, Kimberley, South Africa




1891    from    Anchor & Hope No.234, Calcutta, India

1894                                Union Lodge, Elmira, U.S.A.


Mount Edgcumbe


1876    from    Owyhee, Silver City, Idaho, U.S.A.

1884                                Cariboo No.469, British Columbia, Canada

1888                                Anchor of Hope No.1093, Wellington, Madras, India

1890                Michigan, U.S.A.

1890                Amity No.4, Silver City, Nevada, U.S.A.

1892                No.43, California, U.S.A.

1892                No.4, Nevada/Colorado, U.S.A.

1893                Unity No.6, Pachuca, Mexico

1894                Unity No.6, Pachuca, Mexico (3 members)

1894                Nevada No.4, Colorado, U.S.A.

1895                Unity No.6, Pachuca, Mexico

1896                No.13, Silver City, Idaho, U.S.A.

1897                Mexico

1899                No.2566, Bulawayo, South Africa

1899                No.2778, Kalgoolie, Australia




1865    from    California

1872                Mexico

1876                California

1880                California

1880                West Indies

1886                Peru and Bolivia

1892                Chile

1892                Kimberley, South Africa

1900                United Tradesmen No.744, Ballarat, Victoria, Australia

1900                                Toltec No.214, Mexico





Appendix 5


Cornish Lodge No.2369

Joining Members from Cornish Lodges Only


1890        Edward Carus-Wilson         Banker                                    Phoenix 331, Truro

1890        George M. Williams             Commission Agent              Mt.Edgcumbe1544, Camborne

1891        Wallace W. Sharp                Accountant                          Love & Honour 75, Falmouth

1891        Thomas R. Grylls                  Bank Manager                      Love & Honour 75, Falmouth

1891        Henry W. Hockin                 Solicitor                                 Phoenix 331, Truro

1891        Frederick E. Remfry                                                              Duke of Cornwall 1529, St.Columb

1891        Gilbert A.H. Chilcott            Solicitor                                 Phoenix 331, Truro

1891        Francis W. Pool                    Merchant                               Cornubian 450, Hayle

1891        Edward F. Whitley               Bank Clerk                             Duke of Cornwall 1529, St.Columb

1891        Charles Truscott                  Merchant                               Peace & Harmony 496, St.Austell

1891        Rev. John Core                     Clergyman                             St. Petroc 1785, Padstow

1891        Charles Trevithick               Merchant                               Mt. Sinai 121, Penzance

1891        William K. Baker                   Merchant                               Mt. Sinai 121, Penzance

1891        John J. Ross                          Major (Rtd)                           Mt. Sinai 121, Penzance

1892        John M. Richards                 Builder                                   True & Faithful 318, Helston

1892        William Nettle                                                                       St. Martin's 510, Liskeard

1892        Richard Rowe                                                                       Mt. Edgcumbe 1544, Camborne

1892        George B. Treverton            Bootmaker                             One & All 330, Bodmin

1892        William Bailey                       Surveyor                                Mt. Edgcumbe 1544, Camborne

1892        William F. Bennetts             Safety Fuse Manufacturer  Mt. Edgcumbe 1544, Camborne

1893        Augustus C. Sandoe           Hotel Keeper                         One & All 330, Bodmin

1893        William A. Sandoe               Hotel Keeper                         One & All 330, Bodmin

1893        William Rowe                                                                        One & All 330, Bodmin

1893        Arthur C. Criffe-Adams       Theological Student            Mt. Sinai 121, Penzance

1895        William J. Carn                      Medical Student                   Love & Honour 75, Falmouth

1895        S. Henry Hare                                                                       Molesworth 1954, Wadebridge

1897        Henry Liddicoat                   Merchant                               Three Grand Principles 967, Penryn

1897        Benjamin L. Edyrean            Gentleman                             One & All 330, Bodmin

1897        George J. Parkyn                  Lt. Colonel                             Fort 1528, Newquay

1897        George Brown                       Surgeon                                 Loyal Victoria 557, Callington

1898        Jonathan W. Higman           Clay Merchant                      Peace & Harmony 496, St. Austell

1900        Samuel Williams                   Commercial Traveller           Love & Honour 75, Falmouth



By 1900, the lodge had over 60 paid up members. One of these was John Passmore Edwards, a notable newspaper proprietor and philanthropist.




[1] See Burt, 'Capital Markets'.

[2] See Spence, Mining Frontier, pp. 216-7, 230; Harvey and Press,  ' Mining Engineers'; Burt, 'Technological Dependency'.

[3] See Burt, 'British Investment'.

[4] Harvey and Press, 'International Mining'.

[5] Church, 'Ossified'.

[6] Pearson and Richardson, 'Business Networking'. See also Wilson and Popp, ‘Comments’ and Pearson and Richardson, ‘Riposte’.

[7] See, for example, Hobsbawn, Rebels.

[8] Putnam, Bowling Alone.

[9] See, for example, Jones, 'Friendly Societies'; D'Cruze and Turnbull, 'Oddfellows' Lodges': Gorsky, 'Mutual Aid'.

[10] Gosden, Friendly Societies, p.23.

[11] Report of the Registrar of Friendly Societies.

[12] Fisk, Foresters, p.1.

[13] Lane, Masonic Records; The Freemason 23rd Sept. 1899, p.465.

[14] Clawson, Brotherhood.

[15] Many have assumed, like Hosgood that, 'few detailed membership records of Freemasons' lodges are extant'. Hosgood, 'Commercial travellers', p.536.

[16] See for example, Short, Brotherhood.


[17] See Rowe, Cornwall,  Ch.VI(i) for a discussion of the role of religion in Cornwall.

[18] Wilmshurst, Masonry, p.19. For attempts to trace the earlier origins of Masonry, see Baigent and Leigh, Temple.

[19] See Bullock, Brotherhood, Ch.1 for a succinct discussion of Masonic philosophy and ritual.

[20] See Putnam, Bowling Alone, p.22.

[21] Burt, 'Eighteenth century'.

[22] The number of the lodge signifies the seniority of the lodge in English Freemasonry and is necessary in identifying lodge records in the Grand Lodge archive.

[23]  For an indication of the methodology used, see Burt, ‘Fraternity’, p.188


[24] Gorsky, 'Mutual Aid' p.305; Tosh, Man's Place, p.133. This follows in a tradition dating back to Margaret Stacey who saw Freemasonry as part of a 'conservative connexion' to which 'leading citizens' belonged. Tradition,  p. 77.

[25] See Gorski, 'Mutual Aid', p.316; D'Cruze and Turnbull, 'Fellowship and Family' p.29; Jones, 'Friendly Societies' p.337.

[26] See Savage, Working-Class Politics,  pp.125-6.

[27] Henwood, 'Memoirs', p.709.

[28] Symons, Cornwall, p. 161.

[29] See Harryson, Know-Who Based, p. 22.

[30] See Durr, 'Fraternal'.

[31] In his study of the comradeship of commercial travellers, Hosgood has referred in detail to the 'ritualism of commercial room culture'. Hosgood, 'Commercial travellers', p.535.

[32] See, for example, Royal Cornwall Gazette 21st Oct. 1836 p.2 col.4; The Freemason 11th Sept. 1897 p.457.

[33] Cornubian and Redruth Times 23rd April 1880, p.5 and 21st May 1880, p.4. A contribution to construction costs of £600 was raised from Freemasons at the laying of the foundation stone. See also Luke, Directory.

[34] For a more detailed discussion of the social dimension of Freemasonry in Cornwall, see Burt, ‘Fraternity’, pp. 183-6.


[35]  Two shillings a year for most of this period.


[36]  Lodge returns for Fortitude 131, 1895.


[37] The Freemason 6th Jan. 1900, p.1; The Freemasons' Chronicle 9th Dec. 1899 p.265.

[38] See Fish, Masonic Charities.

[39] Stowell, Cornubian Lodge, p.89.

[40] The Freemason 3rd Nov. 1900 p.635.

[41] See Gorsky, 'Mutual Aid', p. 304.

[42] Jacob, Radical.

[43] Clawson, Brotherhood, p.73.

[44] See Burt , ' Metalliferous Mining'.

[45] Baines, Migration, p.159.

[46] See Payton, Overseas, p.42; Schwartz, 'Cornish Migration'.

[47]See correspondence Druid’s Lodge No.589 Sept./Oct. 1870.

[48]See correspondence Johannesburg Lodge No.2313.

[49] See Rich, Linctus of Empire for the role of Freemasonry in colonial government.

[50] Records of the Keweenaw lodges are held in the Copper Country archive of Michigan Technological University, while those of the South African and Australian lodges are held in the Grand Lodge library in London.

[51] See Bullock, Brotherhood, Ch.2.


[52]  Dumenil, ‘Brotherhood’, p. 13.


[53] See Jameson, Glitters, Ch.4 for a detailed discussion of miners’ fraternities in the Cripple Creek district of Colorado.


[54] Rowe, Hard Rock, Ch. 4.

[55] See Lankton, Boundaries; Krause, MiningDistrict.

[56] Fraternal orders operating in the Keweenaw copper district of northern Michigan in the late nineteenth century included: the Ancient Order of Foresters of America, the Hibernians, the Elks, the Eagles, the Freemasons, the German Aid Society, the German Benevolent Association, the Grand Army of the Republic, the Oddfellows, the Italian Aid Society, the Knights of Maccabees, the Knights of Pythias, the Woodmen, Hermann's Sons, Robert Emmet Young Mens' Benevolent Society, the St. Joseph Society, the St. Patrick Society, St. Stanislaus Kostka, the Soldiers and Sailors' Association, the Sons of St. George and the United Workmen. See Anon, Upper Peninsular and Anon, Biographical Record.

[57] The Calumet and Red Jacket News 29th March 1889, p.3

[58] See Jameson, Glitters, Ch.4.

[59] Gompers, Labor (New York, 1925), II, p.204.


[60] The role that fraternities and other networking systems could play in the assimilation of immigrants and their families is discussed in Macleary, 'Networks'.

[61] For the operation of such mechanism in the migration process, see Wegge, ‘Chain Migration'.

[62] It is probably that Masonic membership would have assisted the reduction of the earnings gap between newly arrived immigrants and native workers. See Hatton, 'Assimilation'.

[63] See Gates, Boston Dollars.


[64] There were eleven Cornish born notables in the list, including four mine captains, one mine owner/banker, one druggist/banker, one Methodist Minister, two merchants, one Registrar of Deeds and a State's Representative.

[65] Anon, Biographical Record, pp. 259-60

[66] Jonathan Curnow was rejected in 1875 and his brother Joseph three times, in 1877, 1878 and 1881. Similarly J. Mitchell and J. Symonds were rejected in 1882, T.J. Bawden in 1887 and Alfred Kinsman in 1895. See Quincy Lodge Black List, Houghton, Michigan.

[67] See Lankton, Cradle, Ch.12.

[68] Dumenil, ‘Brotherhood’, pp. 57-8; Stillson, Oddfellowship,  p.221, 254.

[69] See Penman, ‘South Africa’; The Freemason 28th Oct. 1899, p. 526.

[70] The Freemason 21st May 1898, p.248.

[71] Cecil Rhodes was a freemason for example. See Wheatcroft, Randlords,  p.140.

[72] Gold Field Lodge No.2478 correspondence  28th Oct. 1893.

[73] Hammond was given as a joining member from Oriental Lodge, No.687, established under the English constitution, in Constantinople, Turkey. Gold Field Lodge membership returns 1902.

[74] Ibid.

[75] Rodda was the chairman of the Fordsburg branch of the Association, which was the focal point for the Cornish community on the Rand. See Dawe, Pioneers, pp. 272, 277.

[76] See above p.??.

[77] For the importance of information flows in influencing the character and direction of emigrations flows, see Hudson, 'English Emigration'.

[78] For example, W.D. Matthews and F.V. Pascoe, of Mount Sinai Lodge, Penzance, acted as shipping and emigration agents. See Penzance and West Cornwall Gazette 14th Jan. 1857.

[79] Levitt, 'Social Remittances'.

[80] A data base of the location of these offices has been constructed from advertisements in the Mining Journal and from company records held in the Stock Exchange archive, now in the Guild Hall, London.

[81] The lodges were Royal Jubilee No.72, Honour and Generosity No.165, and Unity No.183, all of which had a continuous operative life running from the late eighteenth/early nineteenth century. All had periods when they met in the City near to Old Broad Street - viz at Taverns on Ludgate Hill, Bishopsgate St., Cornhill. See Lane, Masonic Records.

[82] Unity Lodge No.183 Correspondence.


[83] Jubilee Lodge No.72. Correspondence.


[84] See Glick-Schiller, Basch and Szanton-Blanc, Migration; Levitt, 'Transnational'.

[85] See Khalil, Trust p.xxv.


[86] Scranton, 'Webs'.

[87] Toms, 'Windows'.

[88]  Khalil, Trust, p. xix.


[89] See for example Knight, Brotherhood.

[90] See Libercap, 'New Institutional'.

[91] For an introduction to this subject, see Gorsky, 'Mutual Aid'.

[92] Hyam, Imperial, pp. 298-9.

[93] Cannadine, Class,  pp. 72, 89, 92, 96: Garrad, Leadership,  p.222.



Baigent, M. and Leigh, R., The temple and the lodge (1989).

Baines, D., Migration in a mature economy: emigration and internal migration in England and Wales, 1861-1900 (Cambridge, 1985).

Anon, Biographical record of Houghton, Baraga and Marquette Counties, Michigan  (Chicago, 1903).

Anon, History of the Upper Peninsular of Michigan (Chicago, 1883).

Bullock, S.C., Revolutionary Brotherhood: freemasonry and the transformation of the American social order 1730 - 1840 (Chapel Hill, 1996).

Burt, R., 'British investment in the American mining frontier,' Bus. and Econ. Hist., 26, No.2 (Winter, 1997), pp. 515-525.

Burt, R., 'History of metalliferous mining' in E.B.Selwood, E.M. Durrance and C.M. Bristow, eds, The geology of Cornwall (Exeter, 1998), pp. 211-55.

Burt, R., 'Segmented capital markets and patterns of investment in Victorian Britain: evidence from the non-ferrous mining industry,’ Econ. Hist. Rev., 51 (1998), pp. 709-33.

Burt, R., 'Metal mining since the eighteenth century' in R. Kain and W. Ravenhill, eds., Historical atlas of South West England (Exeter, 1999), pp. 345-9.

Burt, R., 'Innovation or Imitation? Technological dependency in the American non-ferrous mining industry' Technology and Culture 41 No.2 (April 2000), pp. 321-347.

Burt, R., ‘Fraternity and business networking in the British non-ferrous metal mining industry in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries,’ in H-J. Gerhard, K.H. Kaufhold and E. Westermann, eds., Europaische montanregion Harz (Bochum, 2001), pp. 173-191.

Calumet and Red Jacket News.

Cannadine, D., Class in Britain (New Haven, 1998).

Church, R., 'Ossified or dynamic? structure, markets and the competitive process in the British business system of the nineteenth century,' Bus. Hist., 42, 1 (2000),pp. 1-20.

Clawson, M.A., Constructing brotherhood: class, gender and fraternalism (New Jersey, 1989).

Cornubian and Redruth Times.

Dawe, R., Cornish pioneers in South Africa (St. Austell, 1998).

S. D'Cruze, S. and Turnbull, J., 'Fellowship and family: Oddfellows' lodges in Preston and Lancaster, c.1830 - c.1890,' Urban Hist., 22, 1 (May 1995), pp. 25-47.

Dumenil, L., ‘Brotherhood and respectability: freemasonry and American culture 1880-1930’ (unpub. PhD. Thesis, Univ. of California, Berkeley, 1981).

Durr, A., 'From fraternal groups to trade unions,' Freemasonry Today 24 (2003).

C.A. Fish, Masonic charities: their origins, aims and achievements (London, 1962).

The Freemason.

Fisk, A., The Ancient Order of Foresters in Cornwall (Southampton, 1997).

Garrad, J., Leadership and power in Victorian industrial towns, 1830 - 1880 (Manchester, 1983).

Gates, W.B., Michigan copper and Boston dollars (Cambridge, Mass., 1951).

Glick-Schiller, N., Basch, L. and Szanton-Blanc, C. eds., Towards a transnational perspective on migration (New York, 1992).

Gompers, S., Seventy years of life and labor (New York, 1925) II.

Gorsky, M., 'Mutual aid and civil society: friendly societies in nineteenth century Bristol,' Urban Hist. 25, 3 (1998), pp. 302-322.

Gosden, P.H.J.H., The Friendly societies in England, 1815 - 1875 (Manchester, 1961).

Harryson, S.J., Managing know-who based companies: a multinetworked approach to knowledge and innovation management (Cheltenham, 2000).

Harvey, C. and Press, J., 'Overseas investment and the professional advance of British metal mining engineers, 1851-1914,' Econ. Hist. Rev., 42 (1989), pp. 64-86.

Harvey, C. and Press, J., 'The City and international mining 1870-1914,' Bus. Hist., 32 No.3 (July 1990), pp. 98-119.

Hatton, T.J., 'The immigrant assimilation puzzle in late nineteenth century America' J. Econ. Hist., 57 No.1 (March 1997), pp. 34-62.

Henwood, G., 'Memoirs of mines and miners'  Mining Journal Oct. 1857 p.709.

E.J.Hobsbawn, Primitive rebels (New York, 1965).

Hosgood, C.P., 'The "Knights of the Road": commercial travellers and the culture of the commercial room in late-Victorian and Edwardian England,' Victorian Studies, 37 No.4 (Summer 1994), pp. 47.

Hudson, P., 'English emigration to New Zealand 1839 - 1850: information diffusion and marketing in a New World,'  Econ. Hist. Rev., 54, 4 (2001), pp. 680-98.

Hyam, R., Britain's Imperial century: a study of empire and expansion (Basingstoke, 1993).

Jacob, M.C., The Radical Enlightenment: pantheists, freemasons and republicans (London, 1981).

Jameson, E.,  All that glitters: class, conflict and community in Cripple Creek (Urbana, 1998).

Jones, D., 'Did friendly societies matter? a study of friendly society membership in Glamorgan 1794 – 1910,'  Welsh Hist. Rev., 12, 3 (June 1985), pp. 324-49.

Khalil, E.L. ed., Trust (Cheltenham, 2003).

Knight, S., The Brotherhood: the secret world of Freemasons (1984).

Krause, D.J., The making of a mining district: Keweenaw native copper 1500 - 1870 (Detroit, 1992).

Lane, J., Masonic records 1717-1894 (1895).

Lankton, L., Cradle to grave (Oxford, 1991).

Lankton, L., Beyond the boundaries: life and landscape in the Lake Superior copper mines, 1840-1875 (New York, 1997).

Levitt, P., 'Transnational migration: taking stock and future directions,' Global Networks, 1 (3) (2001), pp. 195-216.

Levitt, P., 'Social remittances: migration driven local-level forms of cultural diffusion,' International Migration Review, 32, 4 (1999), pp. 926-48.

Libercap, G.D., 'The new institutional economics and economic history,' J. Econ. Hist., 57, 3 (1997), pp. 718-21.

Luke A.H., ed.., The Masonic Directory for the Province of Cornwall for 1927 (1927).

Macleary, G.F., 'Networks among British immigrants and accommodation to Canadian society, 1900-1914,' Histoire Sociale/Social History, 17, 34 (1984), pp. 357-74.

Payton, P., The Cornish Overseas (Fowey, 1999).

Pearson, R and Richardson, D., 'Business networking in the industrial revolution,' Econ. Hist. Rev., 54, 4 (2001), pp. 657-679.

Pearson, R. and Richardson, D., ‘Business networking in the industrial revolution: riposte to some comments,’ Econ. Hist. Rev., 56, 2, (2003), pp. 362-368.

Penman, A.T., ‘Freemasonry in South AfricaArs Quatuor Coronatorum, 80 (1967), pp. 280-6.

Penzance and West Cornwall Gazette.

Putnam, R.D., Bowling alone: the collapse and revival of American community (New York, 2000).

Report of the Registrar of Friendly Societies Brit. Parl. Papers 1897 LXXXII pp.562-3.

Rich, P.J., Linctus of empire (2999).

Rowe, J., The hard rock men (Liverpool, 1974).

Rowe, J., Cornwall in the age of the industrial revolution (2nd ed., St.Austell, 1993).

Royal Cornwall Gazette.

Savage, M., The dynamics of working-class politics: the labour movement in Preston, 1880-1940  (Cambridge, 1987).

Schwartz, S.P., 'Cornish migration studies: an epistemological and paradigmatic critique', in P. Payton, ed., Cornish Studies, 10 (2002), pp. 24-43.

Scranton, P., 'Webs of productive association in American industrialisation: patterns of institutions formation and their limits: Philadelphia, 1880 - 1930' J. Indust. Hist., I, 1 (1998), pp. 9-34.

Short, M., Inside the brotherhood (1989).

Spence, C.C., British investment in the American mining frontier (Ithica, 1958).

Stacey, M., Tradition and change: a study of Banbury (Oxford, 1960).

Stillson, H., The history and literature of Oddfellowship: the three linked fraternity (Boston, 1897).

Stowell, T.E.A.,  A centenary history of Cornubian Lodge 450 of Free and Accepted Masons (No place given, 1947).

Symons, R.,  A geographical dictionary or gazetteer of the county of Cornwall (Penzance, 1884).

Toms, S., 'Windows of opportunity in the textile industry: the business strategies of  Lancashire entrepreneurs, 1880 – 1914,' Bus. Hist., 40 , 1 (1998), pp. 1-25.

Tosh, J.,  A man's place: masculinity and the middle-class home in Victorian England (New Haven, 1999).

Wegge, S.A., ‘Chain migration and information networks: evidence from nineteenth century Hesse-Cassel,’ J.  Econ. Hist., 58, 4 (1998) pp.957-86.

Wheatcroft, G., The Randlords (New York, 1987).

Wilmshurst, W.J., The Meaning of Masonry (5th ed., 1927).

Wilson, J.F. and Popp, A., ‘Business Networking in the industrial revolution: some comments,’ Econ. Hist. Rev., 56, 2 (2003), pp. 355-361.



Roger Burt

University of Exeter